I have every intention of reading the group of articles published by Slate, but before I can even think about leisure reading, I have to attend to some work assignments, which I've nearly completed. But throughout the day, a few points have occurred to me, and I thought I would share them briefly. First, how do we account for the productivity growth of the wealthy? Again, I'll return to my answer of education attainment, but I also remembered a paper I read a few years back by Robert Solow, whose quantitative analysis of the growth of output between 1909 and 1959 resulted in the following conclusion: that 88% of the growth in output was attributable to ingenuity, which is a finding that has been replicated in future studies, but with methodological adjustments, the ingenuity share is generally reduced. To be sure, ingenuity should be seen as distinct from education attainment, but the latter has been found to be a hugely important independent variable for output growth, and should be judged as a means of better utilizing the ingenuity that Solow found to be so valuable. As I remember, the mid 90s paper that eventually led to Krugman's Nobel Prize reached to a similar conclusion in regards to the relationship between education and inequality. In his paper, Krugman was attempting to dispel the belief that trade with poorer countries widened income inequality, which he found was only able to account for 10 percent of the gap. Rather, education differences, and the ability of the higher educated to take advantage of technological changes and innovation was the largest reason for the income disparity.
But there is still a disparity nonetheless, and the question is, should the have-nots be considered in bad shape? The growth in wealth has been significant in the last 30 years, and the bottom 50% has not been left behind. Even in the naughties, aggregate wealth grew on annual basis of approximately $1 trillion in the United States. Populist economists question the distribution of this wealth, which is fair I suppose, but there is a failure to examine the consumption patterns of the less affluent, and the movement of price levels, which reduces the importance of the income gap. It is generally agreed that the consumption patterns of the affluent and less affluent are quite different, with the latter spending a large portion of disposable income on non-durable goods, and the former spending large portion of their disposable income on services. But what has been the difference in the rate of inflation between services and non-durable goods? With economic globalization, the rate of inflation has been much lower for non-durable goods, which as I remember, the poorest households devote at least 15 percent more of their income on non-durable goods than the richest 10 percent of households. This has translated into very real savings for the poorest households, and because the price levels of services have increased at a far higher rate, and because of the wealthy's appetite for more expensive consumption options, I believe one study out of the University of Chicago (Broda maybe?) concluded that the actual effects of income inequality were reduced by as much of 2/3 due to the relative impact of inflation on the consumption patterns of the richest and poorest households.
Edited by Rol82, 09 November 2010 - 08:30 PM.